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Friday, January 29, 2010

17. A Papuan Separatist Leader Returns Home (2)

By CELLY AKWAN

J.P.K. Van Eechoud (1904-1958)

Youwe’s political awareness was also the awareness, first of other coastal Papuans and then of Papuans in other parts of Dutch New Guinea. A Dutch government figure who had influenced him very much was J.P.K. Van Eechoud.




Police Officer and Sonica Officer


Van Eechoud was an experienced Dutch police officer, assigned at the Field Police Office in Manokwari, North Dutch New Guinea in 1936. In 1944, as recognition of his accomplishments as intelligence officer for the allied troops, he was appointed as Commanding Officer of the Netherlands-Indies Civil Administration (Conica) in Hollandia.


The NICA (Netherlands-Indies Civil Administration) was born from a secret talk between General Douglas MacArthur and Dr. Huib van Mook, leader of the Dutch colonial government in Netherlands-Indies in exile, in Brisbane (Australia) on March 4, 1944. They came to an agreement that small teams of NICA would follow the invasion military; the teams were responsible for running the civilian government in areas liberated by the allied troops. The highest authority of the NICA was a Senior Officer NICA (Sonica); regional administrators under Sonica included Van Eechoud.

When the allied troops left Netherlands New Guinea, landed and attacked the Japanese on Morotai, an island in North Moluccas, on September 15, 1944 before they moved to the Philippines, they returned the first parts of Netherlands-Indies – Hollandia and Sarmi – to the Dutch. The Nica which lacked police, communication means, and was limited to the occupation areas left by the American military was not able to enforce its authority in other parts of Dutch New Guinea. There was anarchy in these areas. There were still Japanese soldiers roaming in the jungle and elsewhere. The absence of police made the Papuans take the law into their own hands: they hunted the Japanese, killed them, and took their swords. Occasionally, the “Japanese hunting” took the form of the old head-hunting raids.

Papua battalion, police school, and government school

To get the Papuans involved more or less regularly in the war activity, Van Eechoud, who had been promoted to Army Major, established the Papua Battalion in December 1944. Meant as a police corps during war time, they got some basic military training and served as reserve troops of the Royal Dutch-Indies Army. The battalion was assigned with the tasks of clearing liberated areas in Dutch New Guinea and was under the command of Van Eechoud. Early 1946 the Papua Battalion had its “barrack” near Lake Sentani, Hollandia. In April 1953, it totaled 397 soldiers. Shortly after his promotion as an army major, Van Eechoud established in Merauke, a town in the southern coast of Dutch New Guinea which during WW II was not occupied by the Japanese but by the American and later Australian military, a police school for training Papuans as police. The school was later moved to Hollandia in 1945.

Late 1944, Conica Van Eechoud decided to establish a dormitory for young Papuans in Kota Nica, Hollandia, at the north edge of Lake Sentani. The students at the dormitory were a combination of the last years of elementary schools and one year “crash training of government assistants”. The crash training included six months of theoretical lessons and six other months for practice at government posts. Before the war started in Netherlands New Guinea, there was only one Papuan government assistant.

The first course attendants included Nicolaas Youwe from Kayu Pulau. The school had more than 150 students, half of them later worked in the government and the rest found their jobs in business companies, health care, and education. The school angered the South Moluccans in Dutch New Guinea because they had always supplied their cadres for government services. Van Eechoud then made a breakthrough of this practice. At the inauguration of the school, he said about things that were unforgettable to the Papuan students. “In 1828 we came here,” he said, “and we have told you since then how things work. Nowadays you are called to take the government of this land in your own hands; on this day, the new Papua is born.” Then, the oldest course attendant (his name was not mentioned) came forward and said: “We give you the honorary title of Bapak Papua, father of this new Papua.”

What Van Eechoud was
van eechoud
J.P.K. Van Eechoud handing out a present to a Papuan

No other Dutch government officials were given such a honor by the Papuans. J.P.K. Van Eechoud from Limburg, Holland, was a man of outstanding caliber. Though trained as a police officer, he was well known, after arriving in Netherlands New Guinea in 1936, as an energetic explorer, talented leader, and as a man with imaginative power. The last can be noticed from his numerous reports, notes, and books that contain his reminiscences. Though not educated in government administration at the university like other Dutch government officials in Netherlands-Indies and Dutch New Guinea, he felt that his talent in the administration was not inferior to the expertise in governance of his colleagues who got special academic titles in this field. After the surrender of the Japanese in Batavia (now Jakarta), however, the pre-war Dutch officials who resumed their work at the Department of Domestic Affairs had never considered Van Eechoud as one belonging to their group.

Van Eechoud was a hard worker with high standards set for himself and his colleagues. He was a non-conformist, did not like bureaucratic procedures, and was very much involved in the affairs of the Papuans and their land. These characteristics made him a controversial figure. Dr. J. Van Baal, a cultural anthropologist and one of the Dutch governors of Dutch New Guinea, said Van Eechoud was “a person too obsessed to keep a distance for gaining objectivity one needs”. Dr. Victor de Bruyn, an academically educated government official at Leiden University in Holland who also did a lot of explorations in the highlands of Dutch New Guinea before the war, expressed his great appreciation of Van Eechoud: “He considered contact with the natives as primary interest for the government work. Between 1945 and 1950, his stimulating leadership developed a corps of Dutch and Papuan government officials showing a team spirit New Guinea has never known since then.”

Dutch Control on Netherlands New Guinea

In 1945, Dutch New Guinea, as it had been from 1920 to 1924, was separated from Tidore and became a separate residency, a territory that was administered by the resident agent of Holland as its protecting state. In the past, the Tidore sultanate in North Moluccas had its control on the northern and north-western coasts of Dutch New Guinea for around four centuries. In such a way, Holland supported its control on the future of the new residency.

The reason behind this change of attitude is not certain. It was speculated that two important Dutch government officials in exile in Australia, Dr. Van Mook and Van der Plas, kept Dutch control on Netherlands New Guinea because of their sympathy for the Papuans who played a role in World War II in their region. In addition, both amassed knowledge of the negative sentiments of the Papuans for Indonesia in general and Tidore in particular. Whatever the reasons are, the seeds for the “New Guinea question” were planted in this secession.

On July 15, 1946, Van Eechoud was appointed by the lieutenant-governor-general of the Dutch-Indies in exile, Dr. H. Van Mook, as a “temporary acting resident agent” of Dutch New Guinea. During the war, Van Mook had good experience with Van Eechoud, the army captain and a political ally of him who he respected for his non-conformist government style. Van Eechoud then exercised the authority given to him well.

Political turmoil

One of the problems Van Eechoud had to face and solve was the social tensions among the people. There were strong anti-foreigner (amberi of non-white or Indonesian descents) sentiments among the Papuans and, in turn, the Indonesian amberi who supported the independence of Indonesia in 1945 were against the Dutch. The non-white foreigner hate among the Papuans and the nationalistic spirit of the Indonesians formed an explosive mixture resulting sporadically in alarming turmoil.

The amberi sentiments were the strongest in the Geelvink Bay, Central North New Guinea, especially, in Biak-Numfor. The bloody oppression (by the Japanese) of the Koreri movements awaiting the return of the mythical Lord of the Utopia as believed by the Biak-Numfor people in particular and, in other versions, by the Papuans in general and the collaboration of the Indonesian teachers and low-level government officials with the Japanese to carry out that oppression were still fresh in the memories of those Papuan islanders. Aside from incidental revenge actions, these sentiments led to political initiatives. Markus W. Kaisiepo (1913-2000) from Biak, a former elementary-school teacher for the Dutch Reformed Church Mission in Dutch New Guinea who later graduated from the government school in Kota Nica and became a government assistant, sent an article that was published by Penyuluh (Light Bearer or Caster), a newspaper in Malay circulated among Indonesians in Australia, and was published on September 8, 1945. It was published after Indonesia was proclaimed as an independent country by Sukarno and Hatta on August 17, 1945. In that article, Kaisiepo appealed to the Dutch government to change its attitude, to provide the Papuans with more education and job opportunities in the government and business companies. To the “Indonesian brothers and sisters”, he called on them to break off their pre-war past when they “monopolized” the teaching, government, and business jobs in Dutch New Guinea. He ended his letter: “The era for freedom, for change is dawning. In this era, the sons and daughters of our people no longer wish themselves to be called ‘Papuans’ because, by that name, the Dutch and Indonesian brothers exclude us from school and church. Along this road, we appeal that from now on the only name to be used which suits our climate is “Irian”, which means “warm land”, and no longer “Papua”.

The increasingly self-conscious Biak people were fed up with Papua bodoh (stupid Papuans) stigmatized by the amberi and proposed a name for New Guinea. Markus Kaisiepo, a government official at the Department of Information in Hollandia in the 1950s, would turn out to be a fierce opponent of the inclusion of Dutch New Guinea to Indonesia. Nevertheless, the Indonesians eventually accepted his proposal, as an alternative to the “pro-Dutch” and – later – the “separatist” choice of “Papua”. It is a joke of history.

As soon as Van Mook returned to Batavia, he developed the idea of an “Indonesian Federation” in which states formed from regions outside Java and Sumatra would provide a counter-balance to the rebellious Republic of Indonesia which controlled parts of Java and Sumatra. To realize this idea, the lieutenant-governor-general held a conference in Malino, a mountain village above Makassar (South Sulawesi) on July 6, 1946. Representatives of all parts of Indonesia, except parts of Java and Sumatra that formed the new republic, attended the conference. The meeting aimed at winning the representatives for some autonomous rules within each region of the sovereign federation. Van Mook’s idea was attractive to local leaders, such as the Moluccan sultans, Buginese kings, and Balinese kings.

This first conference was also attended by a representative from Dutch New Guinea, who traveled outside the newly established residency for the first time. He was Frans Kaisiepo (1921-1979), a relative of Markus W. Kaisiepo, who was sent by Van Eechoud. Like his relative, Frans Kaisiepo also graduated from the school for government assistants established by Van Eechoud in Kota Nica; he then worked as a government assistant aide. He was accompanied by Dr. V. de Bruyn as his consultant.

franskaisiepo
Frans Kaisiepo, wearing his government uniform

When Frans Kaisiepo was given the opportunity to speak in the conference, he raged against the Moluccan sultanate of Tidore, whose name was associated with slaves annually delivered as tributes to the sultan. He concluded his speech by repeating what his clan member Markus Kaisiepo said earlier: he no longer wanted to be called a “Papuan”. In New Guinea, that name was identical with being “stupid, lazy, and dirty”. New Guinea would be called “Irian” and the Papuans were “the Nation of Irian”.

Van Eechoud was not happy with Kaisiepo’s suggestion. Serving as Van Eechoud’s mouthpiece, Nicolaas Youwe whose first wife was from Kei, Southeast Moluccas, told Kaisiepo that iri in the Kei language means “slave”. During the Dutch period in New Guinea, however, the name proposed by both Kaisiepos were never used. One reason for this was that “Irian” was used by pro-Indonesian Papuans and non-white foreigners to mean Ikut Republik Indonesia Anti Nederland (IRIAN), Follow/Pro the Republic of Indonesia Anti the Netherlands.

krifranskaisiepo
KRI Frans Kaisiepo 368
Markus W. Kaisiepo and Frans Kaisiepo later became prominent social and political figures. The first was anti Indonesia and strived for the independence of Western (Dutch) New Guinea. The second becomes a national hero for Indonesia.
Before this region became a part of Indonesia in 1963, Markus Kaisiepo left for Holland, lived, and passed away there as an uncompromising Papuan separatist leader. Viktor Kaisiepo, his son who also lives in Holland, continues the struggles of his father.
The second became one of the governors of the Indonesian newly gained province of West Irian that later became Irian Jaya (1964-1973). In honor of his pro-Indonesian attitude that made him a national hero, his name was given to the international airport constructed during WW II in Biak: Frans Kaisiepo Airport. In 2009, the Indonesian Navy added a state-of-the-art battle ship of the corvette type made in Holland and named KRI Frans Kaisiepo 368, another honor to him.
Manuel Kaisiepo (born in 1953), his son, became a senior journalist for Kompas, the Catholic-owned newspaper – the New York Times of Indonesia – with the widest circulation in Indonesia. He served twice in two Indonesian cabinets. From 2000 to 2001, he became the Vice-Minister for the Development Acceleration of Eastern Indonesia Regions that included Irian Jaya. From 2001 to 2004, he served as State Minister for the Development Acceleration of Eastern Indonesia Regions.
manuel_kaisiepo_sup
Manuel Kaisiepo, journalist, vice minister, and state minister of Indonesia

In 1949, Holland and Indonesia unanimously came to the decision that consultation of the Papuans concerning the new status of New Guinea was not possible. This did not prevent both parties from running intensive campaigns for the inclusion of the new residency to Indonesia or its exclusion from Indonesia.

Political polarity and its control

To cope with this political polarity, the Dutch government planned to hold a conference called Round Table Conference (RTC) in the Hague, Holland, on August 23, 1949. Just before the RTC started in Holland, fierce struggles concerning the rights of the Papuans exploded among the Papuans and amberi siding with Indonesia and those, especially Papuans, opposing it in the Geelvink Bay. The struggles indicate political awareness, particularly among the Geelvink Bay Papuans, who for decennia had been educated by the Calvinistic Dutch missionaries.

Mid 1949, Nicolaas Youwe who had already been a government assistant in Hollandia approached Van Eechoud. He asked for permission to run a campaign to “strengthen the sense of nationality” among the Papuans. Van Eechoud turned down his request because Youwe was a civil servant who had to be neutral in political activities. Meanwhile, the political temperature increased. Seemingly ignoring Frans Kaisiepo’s rage against the atrocities of the Tidore sultanate in the past at the Malino conference, the Sultan of Tidore asked for a government boat in July 1949 for an “information tour” along the villages in the Geelvink Bay; before the war, he was a government assistant in the area. Van Eechoud honored this request. Reacting to this request, Nicolaas Youwe met the resident agent again, repeated his proposal, but his proposal was again turned down. Then, Youwe made a decision to use his authority to run campaigns in the villages around the Humboldt Bay and Lake Sentani. After returning from the campaigns, he piled a stack of letters on the bureau of the resident agent; in those letters, village elders demanded that, in making choices for the future, the voices of the Papuans be listened to.

Then, Nicolaas Youwe and Markus Kaisiepo were allowed to be on tour. In Manokwari and the Geelvink Bay, they gathered numerous written requests for the Netherlands to guide the Papuans toward their independence. Despite the generous cooperation with Dr. V. de Bruyn, they were less successful on the island of Yappen. Rev. H.J. Teutscher, a Dutch missionary in Serui, the main town of Yappen, did not agree that both men were provided with a government boat whereas Silas Papare, a pro-Indonesian political figure from Serui, and he were not allowed. “That is not democratic,” he said to Kaisiepo, “everybody should have equal rights.” De Bruyn who accompanied both civil servants was a bit pleased with Kaisiepo’s response: “Oh, in the church, things are not always democratic. You proclaim God’s words. If you want to be democratic, you should also give the devil the opportunity to stand at the pulpit.”

The underlying political struggles for power was stated by the resident agent, government officials sharing the same view with him, and Papuan friends as a very important issue. The management of Dutch New Guinea required “information” to morally equip the Papuans against “propagandas” and some expertise to contain the competing struggles for power. On August 8, 1949, the Dutch government in Holland came to a decision to keep Western New Guinea as a part of the Dutch kingdom. Van Eechoud then set his neutrality aside and gave an order to V. de Bruyn to prevent Silas Papare from expressing his pro-Indonesian stance in Java. “Keep him away from the airplane,” said Van Eechoud.

Copyright © 2010. All rights reserved. Published with written permission from the author.

Thursday, January 21, 2010

16.A Papuan Separatist Leader Returns Home(1)

By CELLY AKWAN

nicolaas jouwe1  The old Nicolaas Youwe
Nicolaas Youwe, 85, who lived in exile in Delft, Holland, from 1962 to 2009 was dubbed “King Without a Country”. Not only does this oxymoron imply comic irony for one of the prominent leaders of the Free Papua Organization. It also suggests a tragedy and, for the Papuan separatists, a disturbing betrayal of their cause to which they react with mixed feelings.

Irony and Tragedy

During his exile in Holland, he had held firmly to his ideal for an independent Irian Jaya, later divided into the provinces of Papua where Kayu Pulau, a village in Hollandia (now Jayapura) he was born in is located, and West Papua. Last year (2009), he changed his mind about this ideal he had held on firmly for almost fifty years: going back home, admitting that Papua and West Papua belong to Indonesia, participating legally in the development of both provinces, and spending the rest of his life in his hometown after getting the news in Delft that his small house he and his family had lived in since 1962 would be leveled. Such an inner reorientation is ironic. For years, Nicolaas Youwe, the designer of the Papuan flag, the Morning Star, that has been proudly flown in and outside West Papua, West Irian, Irian Jaya, Papua and West Papua since the early 1960s, that has often been flown within Indonesia by Papuan daredevils, has been looked upon by Papuan separatists as a true fighter for Papuan independence, a person who is supposed to hold on firmly to his ideal. Suddenly, their belief in him was shaken by his surprising decision to cooperate with Indonesia, their enemy.

The descriptive nickname “King without a Country” also suggests the existence of a country (the present-day Papua and West Papua and their former names) whose king has to live abroad without being able to return and restore the sovereignty of his country. His people have suffered for decades without the ability of their king living far away in Holland (Nicolaas Youwe) to free them and lead them (back) to independence. Whether Youwe likes this label or not, it indicates a social tragedy that might not end soon and that he probably would not be able to also end soon.

Disturbing Betrayal and Mixed Feelings

For the Papuan separatists who still believe they will have an independent country in the future, the decision of Nicolaas Youwe to choose side with Indonesia as their enemy is a kiss of Judas. Unless he does something within Indonesia that supports their ideal, he will be looked down upon as another Papuan stabbing them in the backs. Certainly, no statues will be carved nor streets be named as marks of honor to him if the Papuans get their independence in their own country.

Around 10.000 Papuans in exile in Holland, including the younger ones, have mixed feelings about Youwe’s decision to return to Indonesia. His old age and desire to spend the rest of his life in Papua is a reason they can understand and accept. But his other reason, getting wiser at such an age and suddenly siding with Indonesia for reasons he had told them, is something they might find hard to swallow.

Controversy in Perspective

The emerging controversy about Nicolaas Youwe has to be kept in perspective if the opposing parties want to have realistic understanding about him and his surprising decision. So, who and what is Nicolaas Youwe? Why did he come to that decision? Will his decision weaken or end the long struggles of the Papuan separatists for independence? Will it help solve the development problems in Papua and West Papua through his active involvement in the governments of both provinces? Will it not have any effects on the future struggles of the separatists?

The Emergence of Youwe’s Political Awareness

A series of articles focusing on him will answer these questions. The first begins with his experience of World War II in Hollandia. It has three bays: Imbi Bay, Humboldt Bay (now Yos Sudarso Bay), and Youtefa Bay. The largest is the Humboldt Bay.

Son of a tribal chief
There are five villages around Hollandia – Kayu Batu, Kayu Pulau, Tobati, Enggros, and Nafri. Kayu Batu is located in Imbi Bay, Kayu Pulau is located closest to Jayapura and faces the Humboldt Bay; Tobati, Enggros, and Nafri are surrounded by Youtefa Bay.

The people of these villagers would be among the first witnesses of two Japanese war ships that entered the bay on April 19, 1942. The Japanese military soon took control of Hollandia, now Jayapura.

Before the first Japanese war ships entered the bay, the Youwe clan, the largest in Kayu Pulau, sent their four young men for further study in Manokwari, a main town in Central North New Guinea and the capital of Dutch New Guinea before the war. Two were trained as policemen, another became a Protestant minister of Calvinistic background, and the fourth would become a civil servant after the Dutch returned to Hollandia and Western (Dutch) New Guinea after WW II.

The Youwe clan is subdivided into two sub-clans: Youwe 1 and Youwe 2. The Youwe-1 sub-clan provides the adat (customary, sacred laws) heads by inheriting the traditional title of chrei. The oldest son of chrei Fache Youwe got from his parents the name Coara Youwe and the baptist name Nicolaas.

Nicolaas Youwe had lived in Delft, Holland, from 1962 to 2009 and then made a decision to return to his “home” – Papua in Indonesia. This January 2010, he did return to Indonesia.

In Manokwari, Nicolaas attended fishery training. After returning from Manokwari, he was assigned by the Japanese to manage an organization for tuna catch in the Humboldt Bay.

Shocking encounter with the American “sea beast”
In September 1943, Nicolaas, 20, and his friend from the same village, Simon Sibi, were fishing around the bay when they were shocked one day by what they had never seen before. Recounted Nicolaas: “… suddenly a very big fish emerged from the sea. At the upper part of the beast, a window opened up and somebody shouted at us. It seemed to be a submarine which was searching for missing American pilots. For the first time in my life I saw an American.” Because both young men spotted the submarine and could alarm the Japanese if they returned home, they were urged to get on board.

nicolaas jouwe2
The relatively young Nicolaas Youwe
The submarine took them to Finschhafen in Australian New Guinea where they gave detailed stories about the strength of the Japanese army in Hollandia and its vicinity. The man who listened to them was a Dutch army captain, J.P.K. Van Eechoud.

Nicolaas and Simon established contacts between the allied troops and the Papuans in Hollandia who were forced to help the Japanese. They then passed on in secrecy information to the Americans in Finschhafen. Marthen Indey from Depapre, Tanah Merah Bay, west of Hollandia, who was a policeman before the war also passed on other valuable information about the strength of the Japanese military in Hollandia by radio to the allied troops in Australian New Guinea.

The allied troops in Hollandia and its vicinity
The allied troops led by the American lieutenant-general Robert Eichelberger began their attacks in Hollandia on April 22, 1944. His troops, code-named “Reckless” and formed from the combined 24th and 41st Infantry divisions reinforced with tanks, artilleries, and other equipments, totaled 37.500 combatants and 18.000 non-combatants who included various professionals. The allied troops bombed the Japanese airfields in Sentani and destroyed 245 airplanes in two days.

During the landings and ensuing fights against the Japanese, 152 Americans were killed and 1.057 wounded. The Japanese military lost 3.300 soldiers. General Inada, the Japanese commander, tried with the surviving 7.200 manpower to escape by land from Lake Sentani to Sarmi. Around 6.000 of them did not make it; they died of diseases and rounding up by Papuans. Between August and October 1944, 2.119 Japanese on the north coast of Dutch New Guinea were killed by the Papuans and 249 were taken prisoners. The killings were part revenge part hunting for a premium of 50 cents (Dutch guilder), the price of a Japanese killed. As proofs, “hunters” cut off either the left or right ears of their victims.

The awesome Americans and the Utopia they brought along
The Americans who destroyed a large part of Hollandia that before the war was just a “small post” not only rebuilt it but also expanded it with new infrastructure. They built one of the largest military bases in the Pacific Ocean because the Humboldt Bay had deep waters that enabled a complete fleet to put down their anchors. Ship harbors, hangars, storehouses, roads longer than 100 kilometers, dry docks, reparation buildings, canteens, and offices were also built. Thousands of cars carried people and abundance of cargoes on the roads and seventy open-air movie theaters played the latest American movies, chosen from ten to twelve movies, every day. In total, there were half a million people of the allied troops who stayed in the wonderfully rebuilt Hollandia, a population number that for more than sixty years (1944-2009) has not been surpassed yet by the current number of population in Jayapura.

The arrival of the Americans and their allies in Hollandia, their involvement in conjuring up Hollandia, and their wonderful life styles were awesome to the Papuans. Within a few weeks, they underwent a culture shock never heard before. The landing and presence of the allied troops in Hollandia and Depapre were for the fishermen from the Humboldt Bay, the Tanah Merah Bay, and Lake Sentani, a few kilometers off Hollandia, “almost an eschatological experience for them,” said Silas Chaay, a boy of ten at that time and also comes from Kayu Pulau, years later. The villagers in these areas could not go out fishing because they were afraid their small wooden canoes could be destroyed by the gigantic propellers of the war-time ships “swarming” the Humboldt Bay. They had to live from American food: canned fish and vegetables. All the men in the villages only played cards. The women did not have to work hard because there was abundance of meals, bread, and coffee. The American military found it best that the villagers enjoyed their supplies. Years later, Silas Chaay reminisced about this utopian-evoking impact: “The people of Kayu Pulau no longer worked and imagined themselves to be in heaven. When the older people saw the black American soldiers, they thought their ancestors had returned.” Silas later became a Protestant minister of Calvinistic background for the Evangelical Christian Church, a main-stream Protestant church which has so far been the largest church in both Papua and West Papua since its foundation in 1956 in the former Dutch New Guinea.

Youwe’s political awareness inspired by the black American soldiers
The presence of the black American soldiers in Hollandia and its vicinity also brought new awareness for the young Nicolaas Youwe. His father, a tribal chief in his village, went out with men from his village to see what were going on in Hollandia. They saw the black Americans, black like themselves, who constructed roads, sat behind the wheels of heavy army trucks, and did various things like the white soldiers. They saw black pilots, blacks as sailors, blacks in beautiful uniforms, and bottles of Coca-Cola. Said Nicolaas in retrospect about his father and fellow-villagers, “Of course, they did not know anything about racial discrimination in the United States, but what they saw opened their eyes.” What opened their eyes? Their lowest status among the amberi (foreigners) in Hollandia and Dutch New Guinea lagged behind that of the black Americans. The Papuans “were always looked down upon, treated as wilds.” Not so much by the Dutch, but by the lower civil servants, particularly, the hated South Moluccans (“the black Dutch”). The Papuans “had always stood below the ladder: at the top were the Dutch, then the Chinese followed by the hated South Moluccans . . ., then the Javanese, and finally the Papuans. So has the encounter between the coastal people and the American military in 1944 laid the basis for later political awareness.”

Copyright © 2010. All rights reserved. Published with written permission from the author.